What is fsa syria

Not only do its officers refuse to discuss the question for strategic reasons, but a list of soldiers has, to date, never been drawn up. In order to coordinate its forces on a national level, the FSA relies on regional military councils, which are made up of local militia leaders and civilians with military experience, such as retired officers.

When making decisions, greater weight is given to the opinions of militia leaders who, with increasing combat experience, have seen their popularity grow. The FSA also has a communications network that is responsible for drafting internal messages, and which is authorised to attend general assemblies, but not crisis meetings. When this militia is not sufficiently armed or does not have enough fighters, other militias can provide reinforcements, or a more powerful militia will be assigned.

Ultimately, the answer is that the FSA gets its arms from various sources. Some deserters sneak weapons out with them, while other light arms are obtained during clashes with the regular army. Military equipment generally comes in through Turkey and Lebanon, but border controls prevent any kind of large-scale shipment. Though the rebels' military command is relatively unified, funding varies widely from one militia to another.

Often, it is a matter of each group's social network or personal connections. Instead, sustaining its ability to represent opposition communities is crucial, given its mainstream positions. To that end, this paper recommends that the United States credibly demonstrate that Assad must step down; continue and intensify work towards restricting aerial bombardment; increase military and financial assistance to the FSA; bundle civil, judicial and military support to undermine popular support for jihadi groups; defend, publicly recognize and politically engage FSA factions; and facilitate dialogue between the FSA and the Kurdish YPG.

Some groups continue to pursue secular goals. Charles Lister of the Brookings Institution think tank lists almost 80 different factions that identify with the FSA brand.

They often pursue completely different political goals, and their military action varies as well. The demise of the group's ideology follows on the heels of its military disintegration. The US, which stood behind the moderate opponents of Assad in the Syrian war, never saw the FSA as a fully reliable partner, and feared the aid they gave the group might fall into the hands of Jihadist fighters like the "Islamic State.

As a result, the FSA is searching for other allies, and has inched closer to often well-equipped Jihadist groups. They feel as though they have had little choice given the military pressure exerted by the Assad regime. And so, Washington's concerns of backing the wrong partner appears to tragically have come true: The lack of support contributed to creating the kind of group the US did not want to back in the first place. Some of these radical groups are now marching on the Kurds alongside Turkey.

But only some of the FSA units are fighting on Turkey's side. The attack on Afrin highlights the consequences of that collapsed front. Jihadists and secular forces — all using the FSA brand — marched alongside the Turks. Many who support the revolution are in favor the idea of maintaining Syrian territorial integrity, an integrity they see threatened by the Kurds in Afrin, according al-Yafai. The opposition National Coalition describes Gen Idris as the commander of the FSA, however observers have said the FSA is simply a loose network of brigades rather than a unified fighting force.

Brigades supposedly report through the chain of command to Gen Idris, but he is yet to assert operational control and serves more as a spokesman and conduit for foreign funding and arms shipments. SMC-aligned brigades retain separate identities, agendas and commands. Some work with hardline Islamist groups that alarm the West, such as Ahrar al-Sham, and al-Qaeda-linked jihadists. Martyrs of Syria Brigades. Originally called the Martyrs of Jabal al-Zawiya Brigade, the group was formed in late in Idlib province.

Although its name was changed in mid to the Martyrs of Syria Brigades to reflect the growing ambitions of its leader, its operations are still focused in north-western Syria.

Unlike Suqour al-Sham see below , which also hails from Jabal al-Zawiya and wants an Islamic state, the Martyrs of Syria Brigades reportedly ascribe to no particular ideology. Northern Storm Brigade. Ahrar Souriya Brigade. They said the new Islamic Front was an "independent political, military and social formation" that aimed to "topple the Assad regime completely and build an Islamic state".

They outlined a new command structure, with key roles shared between the seven groups, and said they would work towards a "gradual merger". Analysts predicted that the move would undermine the SMC, and in December the front announced that it had withdrawn from the SMC's command. Days later, its fighters drove out SMC-aligned forces out of their headquarters and warehouses at the Bab al-Hawa border crossing with Turkey, prompting the US and UK to suspend "non-lethal" assistance for rebel groups in northern Syria.

The Islamic Front does not include al-Qaeda affiliates like the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant ISIS and the al-Nusra Front, but its charter welcomes foreign fighters, as "brothers who supported us in jihad", suggesting it is willing to co-operate with them. Harakat Ahrar al-Sham al-Islamiyya. The Harakat Ahrar al-Sham al-Islamiyya Islamic Movement of the Free Men of the Levant is a Salafist group that first emerged in the north-western province of Idlib in late as Ahrar al-Sham and has since made a major impact on the battlefield.

Its leader is Hassan Abboud, also known as Abu Abdullah al-Hamawi, who was imprisoned by the Syrian authorities after taking part in the insurgency in neighbouring Iraq but released in early as part of an amnesty. Before its dissolution in November , the SIF became the most powerful rebel force battling the government, operating all over the country.

It remained independent and refused to come under the umbrella of the SMC, but co-operated with SMC-aligned brigades on the battlefield, as well as al-Qaeda affiliates. Harakat Ahrar al-Sham's fighters are renowned for their discipline and ability. They were some of the first to use improvised explosive devices and to target military bases to capture weapons.

The group operates a "technical division" that carries out cyber-attacks and a "relief office" that runs social services and carries out public works. Jaysh al-Islam. Jaysh al-Islam Army of Islam was formed by some 50 Islamist factions operating in and around Damascus in September Zahran Alloush, a former imprisoned Salafist activist whose group Liwa al-Islam Battalion of Islam is the most prominent and powerful member of the alliance, said it had been formed to "achieve unity among the units of the mujahideen and avoid the effects produced by the divisions within the National Coalition".

More than 30 of the brigades in Jaysh al-Islam were already operating under the banner of Liwa al-Islam. Jaysh al-Islam's formation was believed to have been an attempt by Saudi Arabia to counter the expanding presence of al-Qaeda affiliates around the Syrian capital, with Salafist groups being offered arms and money in return for loyalty.

Zahran Alloush's father is a religious scholar based in the Gulf Kingdom.